
As the Awami League (AL) government’s political rivalry with the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) reaches new heights, so has its repression. At the same time, a deeply politicised, dysfunctional criminal justice system is undermining rather than buttressing the rule of law. Heavy-handed measures are denting the government’s legitimacy and, by provoking violent counter-responses, benefitting violent party wings and extremist groups alike.
FULL REPORT (Via Crisis Group)
Photo: REUTERS/Ashikur Rahman
SOURCE: Crisis Group
Afghan women’s daily battle against abuse | Bethany Matta
Taloqan, Afghanistan - The women affairs office in Taloqan, the capital of the northern Afghan province of Takhar, remains busy as distressed women and family members line up for help.
One such woman is Sadia whose husband, a militiaman, recently cut off her genitals. She left her husband’s home after the horrific incident.
“The women affairs office here has guided this case every step of the way,” Razmara Hawash, who is in charge of the office in Takhar told Al Jazeera, referring to Sadia’s case.
“If we had not, then they would have used either money or power to get her back. Her husband and his family are powerful people.”
FULL ARTICLE (Al Jazeera)
Photo: Kenneth Taylor Jr/flickr
Amnesty slams US’ ‘poor record’ of probing civilian killings in Afghanistan | Gabriel Domínguez
“Three days after the attack, the commander invited us to the base and said please forgive us … We said we won’t forgive you. We told him we don’t need your money; we want the perpetrators to be put on trial. We want to bring you to court.” These are the words of Mohammed Nabi, whose 20-year-old brother Gul was killed, together with four youths, in a helicopter strike near the eastern Afghan city of Jalalabad on October 4, 2013.
Mohammed is one of the 125 Afghan victims, family members and eyewitnesses to attacks which resulted in civilian casualties. He was interviewed by the rights group Amnesty international (AI) for its report Left in the Dark. The document, released on Monday, August 11 in Kabul, examines the record of accountability for civilian deaths caused by international military operations between 2009 and 2013.
FULL ARTICLE (Deutsche Welle)
Photo: The U.S. Army/flickr
Entrevue avec l'honorable Louise Arbour | Franco Nuovo
Présidente de International Crisis Group Louise Arbour est interviewée sur la programme de radio Dessine-moi un dimanche.
Ecouter tout l'interview (Radio Cananda)
Photo: Coalition for the ICC/Flickr
Louise Arbour on ICC and R2P | Matthew Waxman
Louise Arbour, president of the International Crisis Group, delivered a very powerful critique last week of existing doctrines and frameworks for promoting international justice, humanitarian protection, and rule of law. Her tough assessment of the International Criminal Court and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine are especially noteworthy because Arbour, a former Canadian Supreme Court justice, previously served as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and as Chief Prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda.
FULL ARTICLE (Lawfare)
Photo: United Nations - Geneva/Flickr
CPI juzgará a Colombia si hay cero justicia: Ciurlizza | Daniel Rivera Marín
Javier Ciurlizza, director para América Latina y el Caribe de la organización Crisis Group, experto en justicia transicional, habló con El Colombiano sobre el proceso de paz y el mecanismo que permitirá incorporar a los guerrilleros a la vida civil.
ENTREVISTA COMPLETA (El Colombiano)
Foto: Kinori/Wikimedia Commons
Transitional Justice and Colombia’s Peace Talks | Latin America Report No. 49
In its latest report, Transitional Justice and Colombia’s Peace Talks, the International Crisis Group proposes a model for transitional justice in the context of the promising negotiations between the administration of President Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) to end decades of civil conflict. This requires that both sides confront highly sensitive issues, but a comprehensive transitional justice agreement is key to the ultimate acceptance of a peace accord by the courts, the Congress, and the Colombian people.
Photo: nasty days/Flickr
Tunisia: Combatting Impunity, Restoring Security
Tunis/Brussels | 9 May 2012
Although Tunisia stands out in a turbulent Arab world for its relatively peaceful transition, justice and security must be bolstered to ensure long-term stability.
Tunisia: Combatting Impunity, Restoring Security , the latest report from the International Crisis Group, warns that Tunisia still faces serious challenges that could threaten its progress. Although real headway has been made since Ben Ali’s regime was overturned, unsolved problems are causing unrest and endangering stability. Genuine transitional justice is on a slow track and the struggle against impunity has become a rallying cry.
“Tunisia still lacks a shared, unified vision of transitional justice”, says William Lawrence, Crisis Group’s North Africa Project Director. “The judicial system is not yet fully capable of addressing victims’ rights and overcoming the bitterness of the past. It needs coherence and direction to handle the expanded workload and mounting demands”.
In contrast to the experiences of other Arab countries, Tunisia began its transition in relative harmony, with consensus on certain democratic rules of the road. There have been successful elections, freedom of expression is manifest and truly independent civil society is engaged in the democratic process. But the past is not easily forgotten. The disconnects between central and peripheral regions, between Islamist and secular forces, and between heirs to the old regime and supporters of the new order remain ever present. The country regularly experiences violent flare-ups, security is fragile and victims of the dictatorship are demanding justice and protesting against impunity.
The current and future Tunisian governments will have to resolve these problems through broad-based dialogue and compromise. Moving forward, priorities should include balanced security force reform and accountability for the dictatorship’s past misdeeds with an eye to overcoming the still palpable distrust between police and civilians. This will need to go hand-in-hand with judicial reform in order to strengthen both its independence and its capacity. Finally, authorities ought to recognise the social and political rights of long-neglected peripheral regions. On virtually all these matters, the international community – and notably those who have undergone their own democratic transitions – can help with technical and financial assistance, even as the burden falls primarily on Tunisians.
“The key to success remains broad participatory dialogue”, says Robert Malley, Crisis Group’s Middle East and North Africa Program Director. “Ultimately, the goal should be to facilitate reform of the security forces without provoking a destabilising backlash; ensuring accountability for the dictatorship’s crimes without triggering a witch hunt; and ensuring justice is done efficiently while bearing in mind the limits of the existing judicial system”.