Showing posts tagged as "indonesia"

Showing posts tagged indonesia

12 Jul
Myanmar Muslim leaders in talks to get fighters and weapons | ABC Radio Australia
A post on the radical Islamic website Ar Rahmah Media Network claims that leaders from Myanmar’s ethnic Rohingya community have been in Indonesia for talks with hardline groups about recruiting fighters and weapon supplies.
FULL STORY (ABC Radio Australia) 
Photo: Evangelos Petratos (European Commission DG ECHO)/Flickr

Myanmar Muslim leaders in talks to get fighters and weapons | ABC Radio Australia

A post on the radical Islamic website Ar Rahmah Media Network claims that leaders from Myanmar’s ethnic Rohingya community have been in Indonesia for talks with hardline groups about recruiting fighters and weapon supplies.

FULL STORY (ABC Radio Australia) 

Photo: Evangelos Petratos (European Commission DG ECHO)/Flickr

18 Jun
Indonesia’s police: The problem of deadly force | Lowy Interpreter
by Jim Della-Giacoma, Asia Program Director
My four year-old daughter recently came home from her Jakarta kindergarten with a story about a visit to the school from the head of our local police station. ‘If there is a robber and he’s running away, the policeman will pull out his gun, fire in the air, and if he doesn’t stop then he will shoot him in the leg’, she recounted breathlessly.
I have spent 25 years working in and around conflict zones, including more than a decade in Indonesia. My reaction might not have been that of the average parent. ‘That’, I replied, ‘is a violation of Perkap Number 8.’ Needless to say, my reference to Police Regulation Number 8 of 2009 regarding Implementation of Human Rights Principles and Standards in the Discharge of Duties of the Indonesian National Police was lost on her. She thought the visit was great.
FULL ARTICLE (Lowy Interpreter)
Photo: Satu Lagi/Flickr

Indonesia’s police: The problem of deadly force | Lowy Interpreter

by Jim Della-Giacoma, Asia Program Director

My four year-old daughter recently came home from her Jakarta kindergarten with a story about a visit to the school from the head of our local police station. ‘If there is a robber and he’s running away, the policeman will pull out his gun, fire in the air, and if he doesn’t stop then he will shoot him in the leg’, she recounted breathlessly.

I have spent 25 years working in and around conflict zones, including more than a decade in Indonesia. My reaction might not have been that of the average parent. ‘That’, I replied, ‘is a violation of Perkap Number 8.’ Needless to say, my reference to Police Regulation Number 8 of 2009 regarding Implementation of Human Rights Principles and Standards in the Discharge of Duties of the Indonesian National Police was lost on her. She thought the visit was great.

FULL ARTICLE (Lowy Interpreter)

Photo: Satu Lagi/Flickr

7 May
Indonesia: Tensions over Aceh’s Flag
Jakarta/Brussels  |   7 May 2013
A dispute over a flag in Aceh is testing the limits of autonomy, irritating Indonesia’s central government, heightening ethnic tensions, reviving a campaign for the division of the province and raising fears of violence as the 2014 national elections approach.
Indonesia: Tensions over Aceh’s Flag, the latest briefing from the International Crisis Group, examines the political fallout from the Aceh provincial legislature’s adoption of a regulation on 25 March making the banner of the former rebel Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) the province’s official flag. The central government says the regulation violates a law banning separatist symbols and must be changed. Partai Aceh, the political party set up by the former rebels, says the flag cannot be separatist since GAM leaders signed a 2005 peace agreement with the Indonesian government in Helsinki in which it acknowledged Indonesian sovereignty.
The briefing’s major findings and recommendations are:
Partai Aceh sees no need to compromise because its leaders believe Jakarta will capitulate, as it has in the past. It also wants to use the enormous emotive power of the flag to mobilise voters in 2014.
Either way, Partai Aceh wins. If Jakarta rejects the flag, the party can score points with its supporters, because defying the central government is a vote-getter. If it accepts the flag, Partai Aceh will be convinced that obstinacy pays, and its leaders are likely to press for more authority.
Partai Aceh is systematically entrenching its control over political institutions in the province, making it less likely that any democratic challenge to its control will succeed. It already controls the executive and legislative branches in the provincial government, as well as most of the most populous districts. It is exerting influence over the civil service and local election commission. It is also in control of a new bureaucracy set up to safeguard Acehnese culture and values, known as the WaliNanggroe (Guardian of the State).
“This dispute is about much more than whether the flag constitutes a separatist symbol. It is about where Aceh is headed and what its relations with Jakarta will be”, says Sidney Jones, Crisis Group’s Senior Asia Adviser. “It is also about what the implications are for other areas, such as Papua, where raising a pro-independence flag has been the iconic act of political resistance”.
“Aceh looks increasingly like a one-party state”, says Jim Della-Giacoma, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Director. “The question is whether Partai Aceh uses its power to improve the welfare of its poorest constituents or to entrench another elite”.
FULL BRIEFING

Indonesia: Tensions over Aceh’s Flag

Jakarta/Brussels  |   7 May 2013

A dispute over a flag in Aceh is testing the limits of autonomy, irritating Indonesia’s central government, heightening ethnic tensions, reviving a campaign for the division of the province and raising fears of violence as the 2014 national elections approach.

Indonesia: Tensions over Aceh’s Flag, the latest briefing from the International Crisis Group, examines the political fallout from the Aceh provincial legislature’s adoption of a regulation on 25 March making the banner of the former rebel Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) the province’s official flag. The central government says the regulation violates a law banning separatist symbols and must be changed. Partai Aceh, the political party set up by the former rebels, says the flag cannot be separatist since GAM leaders signed a 2005 peace agreement with the Indonesian government in Helsinki in which it acknowledged Indonesian sovereignty.

The briefing’s major findings and recommendations are:

  • Partai Aceh sees no need to compromise because its leaders believe Jakarta will capitulate, as it has in the past. It also wants to use the enormous emotive power of the flag to mobilise voters in 2014.
  • Either way, Partai Aceh wins. If Jakarta rejects the flag, the party can score points with its supporters, because defying the central government is a vote-getter. If it accepts the flag, Partai Aceh will be convinced that obstinacy pays, and its leaders are likely to press for more authority.
  • Partai Aceh is systematically entrenching its control over political institutions in the province, making it less likely that any democratic challenge to its control will succeed. It already controls the executive and legislative branches in the provincial government, as well as most of the most populous districts. It is exerting influence over the civil service and local election commission. It is also in control of a new bureaucracy set up to safeguard Acehnese culture and values, known as the WaliNanggroe (Guardian of the State).

“This dispute is about much more than whether the flag constitutes a separatist symbol. It is about where Aceh is headed and what its relations with Jakarta will be”, says Sidney Jones, Crisis Group’s Senior Asia Adviser. “It is also about what the implications are for other areas, such as Papua, where raising a pro-independence flag has been the iconic act of political resistance”.

“Aceh looks increasingly like a one-party state”, says Jim Della-Giacoma, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Director. “The question is whether Partai Aceh uses its power to improve the welfare of its poorest constituents or to entrench another elite”.

FULL BRIEFING

3 May
Oversight Needed to Make Police Accountable | The Jakarta Globe
By Achmad Sukarsono 
Indonesia urgently needs a competent civilian body that can police the police and show that there are tangible consequences to refusal to enforce the law or in some cases, actively violate it.
Those with the authority to hold the police accountable, including the president, seem to lack the political will to do so; civil society groups appalled by police behavior have so far been unsuccessful in pressing for change. If Indonesian democracy is going to move forward, it is up to these groups to make a concerted effort to press the president and House of
Representatives to bring a civilian oversight body into being.
The standoff with former chief detective Susno Duadji is a case in point. On April 24, West Java Police, together with a political party militia linked to a former justice minister, prevented prosecutors from taking Susno from his luxury house to prison after he lost all appeals against a bribery conviction. Susno was once head of the West Java command, one of the largest regional police units in Indonesia, and many officers there still owe their careers to him. It was clearly more important for top officers to protect the culture of patronage than to enforce the law.
FULL ARTICLE (The Jakarta Globe)
Photo: Flickr/Luther Bailey

Oversight Needed to Make Police Accountable | The Jakarta Globe

By Achmad Sukarsono 

Indonesia urgently needs a competent civilian body that can police the police and show that there are tangible consequences to refusal to enforce the law or in some cases, actively violate it.

Those with the authority to hold the police accountable, including the president, seem to lack the political will to do so; civil society groups appalled by police behavior have so far been unsuccessful in pressing for change. If Indonesian democracy is going to move forward, it is up to these groups to make a concerted effort to press the president and House of

Representatives to bring a civilian oversight body into being.

The standoff with former chief detective Susno Duadji is a case in point. On April 24, West Java Police, together with a political party militia linked to a former justice minister, prevented prosecutors from taking Susno from his luxury house to prison after he lost all appeals against a bribery conviction. Susno was once head of the West Java command, one of the largest regional police units in Indonesia, and many officers there still owe their careers to him. It was clearly more important for top officers to protect the culture of patronage than to enforce the law.

FULL ARTICLE (The Jakarta Globe)

Photo: Flickr/Luther Bailey

11 Apr
History lessons | Myanmar Times
By Jim Della-Giacoma, Crisis Group’s South East Asia Project Director
Indonesia, with its free media, rambunctious democracy and frequent elections could well be the most democratic country in Southeast Asia. Its robust economic growth is something others want to emulate. It is not surprising that it is regarded as something of a global success story and has  been studied by those leading Myanmar’s transformation as they also try to create a stable, prosperous and democratic post-authoritarian nation.
But Indonesia is neither a perfect nor model democracy. Its transition 15 years ago was incredibly violent. The sudden end of 32 years of authoritarian rule brought about dramatic political change, but it also unleashed a series of deadly ethnic and religious violent conflicts across the archipelago. It is easy to forget the first dark years of “reformasi” and how many feared that this diverse country would break up into its component ethnic parts. The lessons from this period provide Myanmar with the opportunity to learn from Indonesia’s mistakes.
According to one study, between 1998 and 2002, six Indonesian provinces, including East Timor, experienced large-scale extended violence that killed almost 16,000 people. This is a conservative estimate, and the death toll was almost certainly higher. But the good news is that in the last decade, four out of the remaining five of Indonesia’s extended violent conflicts have ended. How did this happen?
FULL ARTICLE (Myanmar Times)
Photo: yohanes budiyanto/Flickr

History lessons | Myanmar Times

By Jim Della-Giacoma, Crisis Group’s South East Asia Project Director

Indonesia, with its free media, rambunctious democracy and frequent elections could well be the most democratic country in Southeast Asia. Its robust economic growth is something others want to emulate. It is not surprising that it is regarded as something of a global success story and has  been studied by those leading Myanmar’s transformation as they also try to create a stable, prosperous and democratic post-authoritarian nation.

But Indonesia is neither a perfect nor model democracy. Its transition 15 years ago was incredibly violent. The sudden end of 32 years of authoritarian rule brought about dramatic political change, but it also unleashed a series of deadly ethnic and religious violent conflicts across the archipelago. It is easy to forget the first dark years of “reformasi” and how many feared that this diverse country would break up into its component ethnic parts. The lessons from this period provide Myanmar with the opportunity to learn from Indonesia’s mistakes.

According to one study, between 1998 and 2002, six Indonesian provinces, including East Timor, experienced large-scale extended violence that killed almost 16,000 people. This is a conservative estimate, and the death toll was almost certainly higher. But the good news is that in the last decade, four out of the remaining five of Indonesia’s extended violent conflicts have ended. How did this happen?

FULL ARTICLE (Myanmar Times)

Photo: yohanes budiyanto/Flickr

12 Feb
Indonesian anti-terror squad killings prompt revenge attacks | Radio Australia
Indonesia’s anti-terror squad Detachment 88 is being warned that it’s encouraging revenge attacks by shooting terrorist suspects.
The crack squad was trained and funded by Australia and other allies.
Since 2002, police from the squad and other officers have shot dead 90 terrorist suspects.
Now the International Crisis Group’s terrorism expert Dr Sidney Jones says the Squad’s methods are prompting counter attacks.
FULL TRANSCRIPT (Radio Australia)
Photo: Ben Hammersley/Flickr

Indonesian anti-terror squad killings prompt revenge attacks | Radio Australia

Indonesia’s anti-terror squad Detachment 88 is being warned that it’s encouraging revenge attacks by shooting terrorist suspects.

The crack squad was trained and funded by Australia and other allies.

Since 2002, police from the squad and other officers have shot dead 90 terrorist suspects.

Now the International Crisis Group’s terrorism expert Dr Sidney Jones says the Squad’s methods are prompting counter attacks.

FULL TRANSCRIPT (Radio Australia)

Photo: Ben Hammersley/Flickr

31 Jan
Terrorism: myths and facts
Lecture delivered at Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung, Indonesia
By Sidney Jones, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Senior Adviser
Terrorism is a very difficult and emotional subject, but it is one that deserves serious study. The word suggests an extraordinary crime with massive casualties of innocent people, with the iconic image now being the attack on the World Trade Center in New York. The word “terrorist” is also loaded — it conjures up images of ruthless killers, like Anders Breivik, the Norwegian gunman who killed 77 young political activists in 2011.
But it’s much more complicated than that. Not all terrorism involves large numbers of deaths: in 2011 in Indonesia, for example, we had eight separate terrorist incidents and a total death toll of five, including two bombers who killed only themselves. Not all crimes are instantly recognizable as terrorism. Suicide bombings have become the classic terrorist crime, but what about the robbery of an ATM or the shooting of a policeman? They might be terrorism, but they can also be acts of rebellion or ordinary crimes, depending on the circumstances and who was involved. Drawing those lines is not always easy. The problem gets even more complicated when we try and understand the causes of terrorism. Why in one village is one young man tempted to join an extremist network while his neighbor, of the exact same age, education, religious training and economic background, is not?
FULL TEXT (Crisis Group)
Photo: Dmitry Valberg/Flickr

Terrorism: myths and facts

Lecture delivered at Parahyangan Catholic University in Bandung, Indonesia

By Sidney Jones, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Senior Adviser

Terrorism is a very difficult and emotional subject, but it is one that deserves serious study. The word suggests an extraordinary crime with massive casualties of innocent people, with the iconic image now being the attack on the World Trade Center in New York. The word “terrorist” is also loaded — it conjures up images of ruthless killers, like Anders Breivik, the Norwegian gunman who killed 77 young political activists in 2011.

But it’s much more complicated than that. Not all terrorism involves large numbers of deaths: in 2011 in Indonesia, for example, we had eight separate terrorist incidents and a total death toll of five, including two bombers who killed only themselves. Not all crimes are instantly recognizable as terrorism. Suicide bombings have become the classic terrorist crime, but what about the robbery of an ATM or the shooting of a policeman? They might be terrorism, but they can also be acts of rebellion or ordinary crimes, depending on the circumstances and who was involved. Drawing those lines is not always easy. The problem gets even more complicated when we try and understand the causes of terrorism. Why in one village is one young man tempted to join an extremist network while his neighbor, of the exact same age, education, religious training and economic background, is not?

FULL TEXT (Crisis Group)

Photo: Dmitry Valberg/Flickr

Indonesia 2013: A Year of Voting Dangerously?
from Crisis Group’s blog, “Resolving Conflict in South East Asia”
by Achmad Sukarsono, Crisis Group’s South East Asia Analyst
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono this week expressed concern that local elections would be a distraction from governing in Indonesia, not only in 2014, when his term ends, but also this year, when at least 144 positions for governor, bupati (district chief), and mayor could be contested. He fears that incumbents, challengers, police, civil servants and other officials administering one-third of the country might focus more on these campaigns rather than doing their jobs. But the consequence of what he calls “a year of politics and elections” is more treacherous than just an increase in already poor service delivery and chronic civil service absenteeism.
As some recently warned, these local elections could make 2013 a dangerous year. It was a prophecy quickly fulfilled when in the first major race of 2013 one local councillor was killed on 29 January on the day Papua province voted for a new governor. But while the weaknesses of the system are many and well known, there are some solutions. As Crisis Group first noted in December 2010 in our Preventing Violence in Local Elections report, national institutions need to play a more hands on role in local elections. Rather than just standing on the sidelines, they should fulfil their proper mandates by acting like a referee in these elections, heading off conflict,  enforcing the law transparently and reducing the threat of deadly violence.
FULL POST (Crisis Group)
Photo: Isabel Esterman/Flickr

Indonesia 2013: A Year of Voting Dangerously?

from Crisis Group’s blog, “Resolving Conflict in South East Asia

by Achmad Sukarsono, Crisis Group’s South East Asia Analyst

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono this week expressed concern that local elections would be a distraction from governing in Indonesia, not only in 2014, when his term ends, but also this year, when at least 144 positions for governor, bupati (district chief), and mayor could be contested. He fears that incumbents, challengers, police, civil servants and other officials administering one-third of the country might focus more on these campaigns rather than doing their jobs. But the consequence of what he calls “a year of politics and elections” is more treacherous than just an increase in already poor service delivery and chronic civil service absenteeism.

As some recently warned, these local elections could make 2013 a dangerous year. It was a prophecy quickly fulfilled when in the first major race of 2013 one local councillor was killed on 29 January on the day Papua province voted for a new governor. But while the weaknesses of the system are many and well known, there are some solutions. As Crisis Group first noted in December 2010 in our Preventing Violence in Local Elections report, national institutions need to play a more hands on role in local elections. Rather than just standing on the sidelines, they should fulfil their proper mandates by acting like a referee in these elections, heading off conflict,  enforcing the law transparently and reducing the threat of deadly violence.

FULL POST (Crisis Group)

Photo: Isabel Esterman/Flickr

1 Dec
Sidney Jones, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Senior Adviser spoke about extremism and democracy in Indonesia in a lecture series hosted by the Australian Institute of International Affairs on Thursday.  Listen to the lecture here.

Sidney Jones, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Senior Adviser spoke about extremism and democracy in Indonesia in a lecture series hosted by the Australian Institute of International Affairs on Thursday.  Listen to the lecture here.

"As Indonesian democracy has matured, it has given rise to a whole range of groups, including some very hard-line, one could say anti-democratic Islamist forces, which engage in low-level violence in the name of anti-vice campaigns."

—Sidney Jones, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Senior Adviser, speaking with ABC Radio Australia’s Karon Snowdon on terrorism in Indonesia: Indonesia complacent about emerging extremists, says rights group