Showing posts tagged as "Vincent Foucher"

Showing posts tagged Vincent Foucher

17 Aug
Beyond Turf Wars in Coup-Hit Guinea-Bissau
Dakar/Brussels  |  17 Aug 2012
International actors need to commit to a common strategy to help coup-plagued Guinea-Bissau implement the security, justice and electoral reforms it needs to escape its status as a link in drug trafficking to Europe.
Beyond Turf Wars: Managing the Post-Coup Transition in Guinea-Bissau, the latest International Crisis Group report, urges the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP), notably Angola and Portugal who are driving its policy, to set aside differences and work with the transitional authorities to define a mandate for the ECOWAS mission in Bissau and then seek UN Security Council approval of it. ECOWAS, with support from international partners, must be allowed to take the lead in setting benchmarks for the interim government to follow and ensuring that donor aid is linked to achieving them.
“ECOWAS is the only game in town because it has the ear of the transitional authorities, but it must urgently start a dialogue with the CPLP and reach a consensus for how to restore constitutional order”, says Vincent Foucher, Crisis Group’s West Africa Senior Analyst. “They have to forget their turf fights and concentrate on taking advantage of opportunities to at last bring about highly needed reforms”.
After the 12 April coup deprived Carlos Gomes Júnior of an apparently certain election as president in a second round later that month, ECOWAS was pushed by Nigeria, Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire and Burkina Faso to forge a transitional agreement with the junta. That scuttled Angola’s influence in Guinea-Bissau, forcing it to withdraw its controversial military mission. ECOWAS has been more lenient toward the Guinean military, and its support for the transitional government and a year-long transition is at odds with the CPLP’s demand for prompt resumption of the aborted electoral process.
The divergence in approaches has hindered the transition process and is the last thing Guinea-Bissau needs. Despite drug money, it is one of the poorest countries in the world, with at least half its population below the poverty line. In recent years, it has endured civil war, political assassinations and several coups. No president has ever completed a full term (Malam Bacai Sanhá died in office of natural causes in January). The economy has been devastated – the cashew trade, its top income earner, is cut by half this year – and many citizens lack access to crucial services.
While the coup halted another attempt at establishing democracy, it also revealed many important factors that international policymakers should not ignore. It demonstrated that tense relations between civilian and military elites have never been resolved, which exacerbates broader grievances around issues of citizenship, human rights and regional inequalities. It likewise exposed frustrations in the political and military elites with Gomes Júnior’s divisive political style and the weakness of the electoral system.  
“The standoff between ECOWAS and the CPLP results in loss of time, energy and opportunities”, Comfort Ero, Crisis Group’s Africa Program Director, warns. “If the situation is not dealt with adequately, including by providing credible assurances that Gomes Júnior can safely return to political life, rumours of a new coup may well not continue to be just rumours”.
See pictures of the Guinea-Bissau research trip. You can also listen to the podcast here.
FULL REPORT

Beyond Turf Wars in Coup-Hit Guinea-Bissau

Dakar/Brussels  |  17 Aug 2012

International actors need to commit to a common strategy to help coup-plagued Guinea-Bissau implement the security, justice and electoral reforms it needs to escape its status as a link in drug trafficking to Europe.

Beyond Turf Wars: Managing the Post-Coup Transition in Guinea-Bissau, the latest International Crisis Group report, urges the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP), notably Angola and Portugal who are driving its policy, to set aside differences and work with the transitional authorities to define a mandate for the ECOWAS mission in Bissau and then seek UN Security Council approval of it. ECOWAS, with support from international partners, must be allowed to take the lead in setting benchmarks for the interim government to follow and ensuring that donor aid is linked to achieving them.

“ECOWAS is the only game in town because it has the ear of the transitional authorities, but it must urgently start a dialogue with the CPLP and reach a consensus for how to restore constitutional order”, says Vincent Foucher, Crisis Group’s West Africa Senior Analyst. “They have to forget their turf fights and concentrate on taking advantage of opportunities to at last bring about highly needed reforms”.

After the 12 April coup deprived Carlos Gomes Júnior of an apparently certain election as president in a second round later that month, ECOWAS was pushed by Nigeria, Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire and Burkina Faso to forge a transitional agreement with the junta. That scuttled Angola’s influence in Guinea-Bissau, forcing it to withdraw its controversial military mission. ECOWAS has been more lenient toward the Guinean military, and its support for the transitional government and a year-long transition is at odds with the CPLP’s demand for prompt resumption of the aborted electoral process.

The divergence in approaches has hindered the transition process and is the last thing Guinea-Bissau needs. Despite drug money, it is one of the poorest countries in the world, with at least half its population below the poverty line. In recent years, it has endured civil war, political assassinations and several coups. No president has ever completed a full term (Malam Bacai Sanhá died in office of natural causes in January). The economy has been devastated – the cashew trade, its top income earner, is cut by half this year – and many citizens lack access to crucial services.

While the coup halted another attempt at establishing democracy, it also revealed many important factors that international policymakers should not ignore. It demonstrated that tense relations between civilian and military elites have never been resolved, which exacerbates broader grievances around issues of citizenship, human rights and regional inequalities. It likewise exposed frustrations in the political and military elites with Gomes Júnior’s divisive political style and the weakness of the electoral system.  

“The standoff between ECOWAS and the CPLP results in loss of time, energy and opportunities”, Comfort Ero, Crisis Group’s Africa Program Director, warns. “If the situation is not dealt with adequately, including by providing credible assurances that Gomes Júnior can safely return to political life, rumours of a new coup may well not continue to be just rumours”.

See pictures of the Guinea-Bissau research trip. You can also listen to the podcast here.

FULL REPORT

28 Jun
Back-to-Back Coups Hand ECOWAS Huge Challenge | VOA
By Nancy Palus
DAKAR — This week’s deadly clashes between armed groups in northern Mali will likely put even more pressure on the regional bloc ECOWAS to deploy a military force it has been talking about for months.  Some Malians in the north are crying out for intervention, but experts question how effective West African forces could be against terrorist groups in the desert.  It is just one of the many challenges ECOWAS has faced after successive coups d’état in Mali and Guinea-Bissau earlier this year. 
The institution, with 15 member countries, is known by its acronym ECOWAS. Its full name is the Economic Community of West African States - a trading bloc, created in 1975.  But political crises in the region hampered economic integration, so ECOWAS has also had to turn its attention to conflict management and security.
Since its founding ECOWAS has drawn up a number of protocols, one of which establishes “zero tolerance” for the illegal takeover or maintenance of power.
FULL ARTICLE (VOA)
Photo: VOA

Back-to-Back Coups Hand ECOWAS Huge Challenge | VOA

By Nancy Palus

DAKAR — This week’s deadly clashes between armed groups in northern Mali will likely put even more pressure on the regional bloc ECOWAS to deploy a military force it has been talking about for months.  Some Malians in the north are crying out for intervention, but experts question how effective West African forces could be against terrorist groups in the desert.  It is just one of the many challenges ECOWAS has faced after successive coups d’état in Mali and Guinea-Bissau earlier this year. 

The institution, with 15 member countries, is known by its acronym ECOWAS. Its full name is the Economic Community of West African States - a trading bloc, created in 1975.  But political crises in the region hampered economic integration, so ECOWAS has also had to turn its attention to conflict management and security.

Since its founding ECOWAS has drawn up a number of protocols, one of which establishes “zero tolerance” for the illegal takeover or maintenance of power.

FULL ARTICLE (VOA)

Photo: VOA

12 Jun
Africa: How Will West African Posturing Affect Guinea Bissau? | Think Africa Press
By: Bram Posthumus
There are currently 600 West African troops in Guinea Bissau who will supposedly guarantee peace and security through the country’s period of transition.
The arrangement, brokered by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) at their summit in Dakar, early May, became necessary after the Guinea Bissau army staged a coup on April 12, which dissolved an almost complete electoral process.
In addition to the troops, the arrangement provides for a transitional government, with a president and a cabinet of ministers who must take care of the country’s affairs and prepare for its next elections.
FULL ARTICLE (All Africa)
Photo: colleen_taugher / Flickr

Africa: How Will West African Posturing Affect Guinea Bissau? | Think Africa Press

By: Bram Posthumus

There are currently 600 West African troops in Guinea Bissau who will supposedly guarantee peace and security through the country’s period of transition.

The arrangement, brokered by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) at their summit in Dakar, early May, became necessary after the Guinea Bissau army staged a coup on April 12, which dissolved an almost complete electoral process.

In addition to the troops, the arrangement provides for a transitional government, with a president and a cabinet of ministers who must take care of the country’s affairs and prepare for its next elections.

FULL ARTICLE (All Africa)

Photo: colleen_taugher / Flickr

4 Jun

Photos taken by Senior Communications Officer, Gabriela Keseberg Dávalos, during her visit to Guinea-Bissau with Vincent Foucher, West Africa Senior Analyst. The team met with policy makers and civil society representatives to research on the situation in the country after the 12 April coup and the new transitional government. Listen also to the podcast: bit.ly/Nn7wxK

(Source: Flickr / internationalcrisisgroup)

Photos taken by Senior Communications Officer, Gabriela Keseberg Dávalos, during her visit to Guinea-Bissau with Vincent Foucher, West Africa Senior Analyst. The team met with policy makers and civil society representatives to research on the situation in the country after the 12 April coup and the new transitional government. Listen also to the podcast: bit.ly/Nn7wxK

(Source: Flickr / internationalcrisisgroup)

International Crisis Group

Guinea-Bissau's Transition after the Coup

Guinea-Bissau’s Transition after the Coup | International Crisis Group

24 May 2012:  On 12 April a military uprising ousted former prime minister Carlos Gomes Júnior just as he was about to compete in a run-off presidential election that he was poised to win. Gabriela Keseberg Dávalos, Senior Communications Officer for the International Crisis Group, and Vincent Foucher, Crisis Group West Africa Senior Analyst, were in Bissau to examine the current situation in the country. In this podcast they discuss the reasons for theoverthrow and the priorities of the new transitional government. 8.19

Photo: International Crisis Group

10 plays
Album Art
18 May
Division and Stasis in Guinea-Bissau | AllAfrica
Dakar-Bissau — On 16 May a transition pact brokered by the Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS) and signed by all parties except the majority PAIGC [African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde] - officially nominated Manuel Serifo Nhamadjo as Interim President of Guinea-Bissau for one year. The decision was made after weeks of political wrangling following a military coup on 12 April that interrupted presidential elections, in which ex- Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior from the PAIGC party was the clear front-runner. While many fear the decision to install Nhamadjo will lead to yet more division in the politically polarized nation, others just want the country to get back on track economically, since markets and basic services have more or less been at a standstill since the latest coup.
FULL ARTICLE (AllAfrica)

Division and Stasis in Guinea-Bissau | AllAfrica

Dakar-Bissau — On 16 May a transition pact brokered by the Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS) and signed by all parties except the majority PAIGC [African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde] - officially nominated Manuel Serifo Nhamadjo as Interim President of Guinea-Bissau for one year. The decision was made after weeks of political wrangling following a military coup on 12 April that interrupted presidential elections, in which ex- Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior from the PAIGC party was the clear front-runner. While many fear the decision to install Nhamadjo will lead to yet more division in the politically polarized nation, others just want the country to get back on track economically, since markets and basic services have more or less been at a standstill since the latest coup.

FULL ARTICLE (AllAfrica)

27 Jan
International Crisis Group

Reform Prospects in Guinea-Bissau

27 January: The West African country Guinea-Bissau has been relatively stable since the political and military turmoil of 2010. But crucial political, military and judicial developments still lie ahead of this year’s presidential elections. We talked to Vincent Foucher, Crisis Group’s Senior Analyst for West Africa, about the future of Guinea-Bissau. 7:14

20 plays
Album Art
9 Jan

VOA: Guinea Bissau Looks to Power Transfer After President’s Death

Ricci Shryock

Recently strengthened relations between Guinea Bissau’s Prime Minister and the military should help the country transition to new leadership after the death of President Malam Bacai Sanha was announced Monday, said International Crisis Group Senior Analyst, Vincent Foucher.

“People are worried, but structurally speaking, if it’s possible to speak structure in a place like Bissau, my global assessment is that we have seen a strengthening of the Prime Minister and the Chief of Staff working with him,” he said. “Of course this strengthening doesn’t mean that no trouble will happen.”

Sanha’s death in a Paris hospital was announced Monday by the  president’s office, though they did not cite a cause of death. Sanha had been repeatedly hospitalized since he was elected in 2009. 

Foucher added that the President of the Assembly, Raimundo Pereira will now take power until new elections, which according to the constitution should take place within 90 days.

“Raimundo Pereira, does not have a special history with the military himself. He’s very much seen as an associate of the Prime Minister. So his history with the military we can assume will be pretty much the Prime Minister. And it’s a complex history,” he said. “There were tensions on April 2010 last year. Prime minister Gomez was actually arrested for a few hours and apparently mishandled by some military.”

FULL ARTICLE (Voice of America) 

6 Dec

GUINEA: Avoiding ethnically-driven elections (IRIN)

CONAKRY, 6 December 2011 (IRIN) - Politics remain ethnically divisive in Guinea a year after violent clashes marred a bitterly divided Presidential election. Analysts and civil servants say more concerted reconciliation efforts between ethnic groups are needed on the part of the President and opposition leaders to avoid another pitched battle in upcoming legislative elections. 

Voting was originally scheduled for the end of 2011, but senior officials told IRIN it is more likely to take place early next year as the census, registration process and other key preparations are nowhere near complete. 

“Ethnic tensions are getting worse, not better,” said Vincent Foucher - a researcher at the International Crisis Group (ICG), a conflict thinktank - who wrote Putting the transition Back on Track. “Everyone is playing the ethnic card… horrible statements are being made from all sides.” 

The main political party, President Alpha Condé’s Rally the Guinean People (RPG) is supported by the Malinke, while main opposition leader Cellou Dalein Diallo’s party, the Union des Forces Democratiques de Guinée (UFDG), is closely associated with the Peulh community. Peulhs are the dominant ethnic group in Guinea, followed by the Malinke and Sousou. 

Favouritism 

Corinne Dufka, head of Human Rights Watch (HRW) in West Africa, says the current administration has fomented ethnic tension rather than trying to reduce it. The President has shown clear favouritism in appointing Malinke to civil service and ministerial posts, and has used the judicial system - based on French civil law, customary law, and decree - to discriminate against Peulh political groups. 

Currently, Peulhs hold just six ministerial positions, including the Youth and Tourism portfolios, while the military is Malinke dominated. 

Many people fear that Condé is concentrating power in the executive. “Past Presidents had to balance the ethnic positions at least a little, but now there is not as obvious a need,” said Foucher. Even military junta leader Dadis Camara had to put more effort into getting the support of different ethnicities during his short-lived time in power, he added. 

Public discourse has been peppered with ethnic rhetoric in recent months. On 21 September 2011, the Governor of Conakry Region, Resco Camara, talked of ordering containers of water from the Mayimbo River to pour on protesters - the river is popularly believed to have dangerous powers against members of the Peulh community. 

Mouctar Diallo, leader of the New Democratic Forces party (NFD) and President of a group of opposition parties, Collective Parties Politique Finalisation de la Transition, told IRIN he has never seen Guinea as divided as it is now. “You say your name and you know your ethnicity - and that is how people are defining themselves. An ethno-strategy has become part of the Guinean politics… the situation is very serious.” He too, has shocked many with his strong statements – earlier this year saying President Condé would need to expand his cemeteries and hospitals to bury protesting militants - referring to strong crackdowns by security forces on protesters. 

A rice vendor at Concasseur market in the capital, Conakry, told IRIN that Peulhs feel increasingly marginalized in society and politics. Those in the diaspora have made a number of vitriolic statements, with online news site Guineé Presse speaking of impending civil war and a “genocide“ being planned against the Peulh community. “They talk of genocide when there are arrests. Key officials are making strong statements - it is worrying,” said Foucher. 

Nevertheless, strained relations between the President’s party and the opposition improved recently when Condé held meetings with opposition leaders to discuss the upcoming elections. He described the meeting as “cordial and rewarding”. 

Moustapha Naïte, director general of the Patrimoine Partie Politique, which is linked to the Presidency, told IRIN that although ethnic division is at a high pitch, poverty, not politics, is the root cause of tension between the various communities. 

Economy not ethnicity 

“People are mistaking economic issues for ethnic issues. What people are really concerned about is the economy and jobs, and that is starting to look up,” he told IRIN, referring to a recent spike in investment in the mining sector, and mining reform that could increase the government’s share in the sector by up to 35 percent. 

“We are committed morally and religiously to reconciliation,” Naïte said. “We need to have a debate about the problems that have been posed. There is a sense of frustration in the country, and deepening poverty has accentuated some tensions, but the roots are much more in poverty than in ethnicity.” 

Guineans have become poorer in the past 15 years. In 1995 some 40 percent of the population was living in poverty, but in 2010 this figure reached 58 percent, according to the UN. 

Ousmane Balde, head of International Alert, a conflict resolution non-profit, agrees. “The biggest danger in Guinea is poverty. One percent of the population takes most of the country’s revenue - it is very corrupt - yet this is somehow socially tolerated.” 

HRW’s Dufka said poverty need not be divisive. “All ethnic groups have suffered from bad governance, corruption and a weak rule of law,” she pointed out. 

Marriages, baptisms 

Some worry that politically driven ethnic division has seeped into communities, creating tension where previously there had been inclusion and tolerance. For instance, in the city of Conakry, most marriages and baptisms have traditionally been inclusive events to which all ethnic groups were invited. Dufka told IRIN that lately she has heard of more ceremonies being limited to one group or another. 

In the marketplaces, a few Peulhs, who are angry with what they see as the government’s efforts to undermine them economically and politically, have started to set different prices for Peulhs and for others, say traders. 

A Malinke woman at Concasseur market, who asked to remain unnamed, said she was charged 18,000 GF(US$2.67) for a bottle of milk, while the Peulh woman just before her had been charged 15,000 ($2.21). But, she said, this practice was far worse during the election period in 2010. 

President Condé has tried to break up monopolies in the import market, traditionally dominated by Peulhs, causing some to feel targeted, said a vendor. Many Peulhs left Guinea for neighbouring Cote d’Ivoire when its President Alassane Ouattara eliminated taxes for traders there. 

“Had President Condé pushed for inclusion - ‘let’s all work together; how can I encourage Peulhs to continue to invest in Guinea?’ - this could have mitigated some of these problems and would not have sabotaged the economy,” said Dufka. 

Others feel it is high time that the power of what they call “mafias” - who manipulate the market and fix prices - is broken. “It is the President who says monopolies in the market should be broken up to help everyone compete for the benefit of the population… he has not stigmatized one ethnic group over another,” Diallo, a Conakry resident, told IRIN. 

Moving forward 

Ethnic tensions have long simmered in the country, but with so many Guineans having seen first-hand the impact of such violence in West African neighbours Sierra Leone and Liberia, the appetite for violence is low. Thousands of refugees from these countries fled to Guinea during their civil wars. “Ethnic problems are not fundamental here [Guinea], they’re power-related,” International Alert’s Balde told IRIN. 

Diversity is so fundamental to most city-dwellers’ lives that any degree of ethnic politicking will only go so far, a Conakry-based journalist says. “Many Guineans have more than one wife, each of a different ethnicity. It’s not unusual to find a Guinean with a Peulh mother, a Malinke wife and a Soussou or Forestier father… things are mixed here.” 

Lounceny Camara, President of the Independent Election Commission (CENI) in Guinea, told IRIN he hoped ethnicity would play a far smaller role in upcoming legislative elections. The problem is that political debate remains highly polarized in the fledgling democracy. “We have never before seen a second round [of voting in an electoral process] - there is no real middle ground yet,” he said. 

Before political campaigning begins, political parties should sign up to a code of conduct committing them to refrain from any comment that risks stirring up inter-communal tensions, says the International Crisis Group. 

Most analysts agree that on top of imposing limits and rules, a deep countrywide reconciliation process needs to take place. “It is easier to move ahead with elections than to open such delicate debates as reconciliation,” Balde told IRIN. “But if you do not address the problems of the past, they’ll just recur… the state has always acted with impunity here, and there has still been no catharsis.” 

For years, International Alert has been hosting a dialogue on reconciliation and peace-building with political figures, religious leaders, security sector representatives and civil society organization representatives. 

“The President came with intentions to take a South African model [of reconciliation]. Then the reality of power changed and it dampened his ardour,” said Balde, referring to the assassination attempt against the President in July 2011. According to the ICG, ethnic resentment probably played some role in the event, and most of the people in the first group indicted for the crime are Peulh 

The government recently appointed religious leaders to set up a reconciliation commission to address past tensions as well as the roots of inter-community divisions. Balde told IRIN he hopes it will be as inclusive as impossible. 

Dufka supports the idea. “I cannot emphasize enough the importance of pushing this,” she said. “This could help focus Guineans on what they have in common…Corruption and impunity affect all Guineans and all ethnic groups - Guineans often lost sight of that.” 

But if the initiative is to work it needs buy-in from all sectors of society, she said, and at the moment many civil society members have not even heard of it. 

IRIN