Showing posts tagged as "Tunisia"

Showing posts tagged Tunisia

26 Mar
'Contagion of polarisation' dominates post-Arab Spring scene | Nadeen Shaker
Pundits studying the Middle East often cite Islamism as the most scathing malaise currently afflicting the region. To Issandr El-Amrani, owner of The Arabist blog and project director of International Crisis Group’s North African Project, however, differences between ruling groups, aside from their ideological beliefs, drive polarisation in post-revolutionary Arab countries.
In a lecture at the American University in Cairo on Wednesday, entitled “Egypt, Libya, Tunisia: From the Contagion of Revolution to the Contagion of Polarisation,” El-Amrani developed the metaphor of “contagion” — adapting the domino effect scenario, in which Arab uprisings contagiously spread — to one where “polarisation”, not revolution, was the final outcome.
FULL ARTICLE (Ahram Online)
Photo: Jonathan Rashad/Wikimedia Commons

'Contagion of polarisation' dominates post-Arab Spring scene | Nadeen Shaker

Pundits studying the Middle East often cite Islamism as the most scathing malaise currently afflicting the region. To Issandr El-Amrani, owner of The Arabist blog and project director of International Crisis Group’s North African Project, however, differences between ruling groups, aside from their ideological beliefs, drive polarisation in post-revolutionary Arab countries.

In a lecture at the American University in Cairo on Wednesday, entitled “Egypt, Libya, Tunisia: From the Contagion of Revolution to the Contagion of Polarisation,” El-Amrani developed the metaphor of “contagion” — adapting the domino effect scenario, in which Arab uprisings contagiously spread — to one where “polarisation”, not revolution, was the final outcome.

FULL ARTICLE (Ahram Online)

Photo: Jonathan Rashad/Wikimedia Commons

3 Feb
Catch up on the world’s conflicts in this month’s CrisisWatch map.

Catch up on the world’s conflicts in this month’s CrisisWatch map.

29 Nov
Tunisia’s Borders: Jihadism and Contraband
Tunis/Brussels  |   28 Nov 2013
Unless the permeability of the country’s borders is addressed, cross-border trafficking will increase jihadis’ disruptive potential and intensify the corruption of border authorities.
In its latest report, Tunisia’s Borders: Jihadism and Contraband, the International Crisis Group examines the widening gap between a Tunisia of the borders – porous, rebellious, a focal point of jihad and contraband – and a Tunisia of the capital and coast that is concerned with the vulnerability of a hinterland it fears more than it understands. Beyond engaging in necessary efforts to resolve the immediate political crisis, actors from across the national spectrum should implement security and socio-economic measures to reduce the permeability of the country’s borders.
The report’s major findings and recommendations are:
The aftermath of the Tunisian uprising and of the Libyan war has provoked a reorganisation of contraband cartels, thereby weakening state control and paving the way for far more dangerous types of trafficking.
Hard drugs as well as (for now) relatively small quantities of firearms and explosives regularly enter the country from Libya. Likewise, the northern half of the Tunisian-Algerian border is becoming an area of growing traffic of cannabis and small arms.
Criminality and radical Islamism gradually are intermingling in the suburbs of major cities and in poor peripheral villages. Over time, the emergence of a so-called islamo-gangsterism could contribute to the rise of groups blending jihadism and organised crime within contraband networks operating at the borders.
Addressing border problems clearly requires beefing up security measures but these will not suffice on their own. There also is a need for dialogue with the local populations so as to improve relations between the central authorities and residents of border areas and reinforce the intelligence capacities.
“Even with the most technically sophisticated border control mechanisms, residents of border areas will remain capable of enabling or preventing the transfer of goods and people”, Michaël Béchir Ayari, Tunisia Senior Analyst. “The more they feel economically and socially frustrated, the less they will be inclined to protect the country’s territorial integrity”.
“In the long term, only consensus among political forces on the country’s future can enable a truly effective approach to the border question”, says Issandr El Amrani, North Africa Project Director. “In the meantime, Tunisian actors need to work together to reinforce border controls and improve relations between the centre and residents of border areas while Maghreb states should improve their cooperation”.
crisisgroup.org

Tunisia’s Borders: Jihadism and Contraband

Tunis/Brussels  |   28 Nov 2013

Unless the permeability of the country’s borders is addressed, cross-border trafficking will increase jihadis’ disruptive potential and intensify the corruption of border authorities.

In its latest report, Tunisia’s Borders: Jihadism and Contraband, the International Crisis Group examines the widening gap between a Tunisia of the borders – porous, rebellious, a focal point of jihad and contraband – and a Tunisia of the capital and coast that is concerned with the vulnerability of a hinterland it fears more than it understands. Beyond engaging in necessary efforts to resolve the immediate political crisis, actors from across the national spectrum should implement security and socio-economic measures to reduce the permeability of the country’s borders.

The report’s major findings and recommendations are:

The aftermath of the Tunisian uprising and of the Libyan war has provoked a reorganisation of contraband cartels, thereby weakening state control and paving the way for far more dangerous types of trafficking.

Hard drugs as well as (for now) relatively small quantities of firearms and explosives regularly enter the country from Libya. Likewise, the northern half of the Tunisian-Algerian border is becoming an area of growing traffic of cannabis and small arms.

Criminality and radical Islamism gradually are intermingling in the suburbs of major cities and in poor peripheral villages. Over time, the emergence of a so-called islamo-gangsterism could contribute to the rise of groups blending jihadism and organised crime within contraband networks operating at the borders.

Addressing border problems clearly requires beefing up security measures but these will not suffice on their own. There also is a need for dialogue with the local populations so as to improve relations between the central authorities and residents of border areas and reinforce the intelligence capacities.

“Even with the most technically sophisticated border control mechanisms, residents of border areas will remain capable of enabling or preventing the transfer of goods and people”, Michaël Béchir Ayari, Tunisia Senior Analyst. “The more they feel economically and socially frustrated, the less they will be inclined to protect the country’s territorial integrity”.

“In the long term, only consensus among political forces on the country’s future can enable a truly effective approach to the border question”, says Issandr El Amrani, North Africa Project Director. “In the meantime, Tunisian actors need to work together to reinforce border controls and improve relations between the centre and residents of border areas while Maghreb states should improve their cooperation”.

crisisgroup.org

13 Nov
Tunisie: “Les ingrédients d’une reprise en main autoritaire sont là” | Catherine Gouëset
La Tunisie s’enfonce dans la crise après l’échec des pourparlers entre islamistes au pouvoir et opposants pour désigner un nouveau Premier ministre, tandis que la violence djihadiste menace. Eléments d’analyse avec Michaël Béchir Ayari, analyste à l’International Crisis Group. 
Le blocage politique et la dégradation de la situation sécuritaires sont-ils liées en Tunisie?
Depuis deux ans, chaque crise sécuritaire se transforme en crise politique. Qu’il s’agisse de l’attaque contre l’ambassade des Etats-Unis en septembre 2012, des assassinats des opposants Chokri Belaïd en février et Mohamed Brahmi en juillet 2013 ou encore de diverses attaques djihadistes dont celles du mont Chaambi. La polarisation du pays s’accroît chaque jour un peu plus. Les sécularistes accusent Ennahda de faiblesse voire de complicité avec les salafistes, tandis que les partisans du principal parti au pouvoir accusent leurs adversaires de complot pour restaurer l’ancien régime. Le climat de tension alimenté par les radicaux des deux bords empêche la recherche d’une réponse globale à la question sécuritaire. Il est indispensable que cette problématique soit dépolitisée, qu’elle fasse l’objet d’une démarche consensuelle.
Lire tout l’interview (L’Express) 
Photo: Nasser Nouri/Flickr

Tunisie: “Les ingrédients d’une reprise en main autoritaire sont là” | Catherine Gouëset

La Tunisie s’enfonce dans la crise après l’échec des pourparlers entre islamistes au pouvoir et opposants pour désigner un nouveau Premier ministre, tandis que la violence djihadiste menace. Eléments d’analyse avec Michaël Béchir Ayari, analyste à l’International Crisis Group. 

Le blocage politique et la dégradation de la situation sécuritaires sont-ils liées en Tunisie?

Depuis deux ans, chaque crise sécuritaire se transforme en crise politique. Qu’il s’agisse de l’attaque contre l’ambassade des Etats-Unis en septembre 2012, des assassinats des opposants Chokri Belaïd en février et Mohamed Brahmi en juillet 2013 ou encore de diverses attaques djihadistes dont celles du mont Chaambi. La polarisation du pays s’accroît chaque jour un peu plus. Les sécularistes accusent Ennahda de faiblesse voire de complicité avec les salafistes, tandis que les partisans du principal parti au pouvoir accusent leurs adversaires de complot pour restaurer l’ancien régime. Le climat de tension alimenté par les radicaux des deux bords empêche la recherche d’une réponse globale à la question sécuritaire. Il est indispensable que cette problématique soit dépolitisée, qu’elle fasse l’objet d’une démarche consensuelle.

Lire tout l’interview (L’Express) 

Photo: Nasser Nouri/Flickr

12 Sep
Tunisians united in patriotism, divided over the country’s future | Eileen Byrne
It is a good time to be a seller of flags in the Tunisian capital. The national flag is not just waved by protesters in a sea of bright red at opposition and pro-government rallies. It is worn as a face veil by some women protesters, or as a bandanna tied around the head of small children carried proudly on their fathers’ shoulders, in an early lesson in citizenship.
FULL ARTICLE (The National) 
Photo: Magharebia/Flickr

Tunisians united in patriotism, divided over the country’s future | Eileen Byrne

It is a good time to be a seller of flags in the Tunisian capital. The national flag is not just waved by protesters in a sea of bright red at opposition and pro-government rallies. It is worn as a face veil by some women protesters, or as a bandanna tied around the head of small children carried proudly on their fathers’ shoulders, in an early lesson in citizenship.

FULL ARTICLE (The National) 

Photo: Magharebia/Flickr

3 Sep
Ansar Al-Charia, le djihadisme au défi de la Tunisie | Hélène Sallon
Engagé dans une épreuve de force avec l’Etat tunisien, le groupe salafiste djihadiste Ansar Al-Charia (“les Partisans de la charia”) est devenu en deux ans un mouvement puissant en Tunisie, bien implanté dans les quartiers populaires. Depuis sa création en avril 2011, il a su rassembler une partie de la mouvance salafiste djihadiste. Le nombre de ses adeptes reste difficile à déterminer. En appelant à l’organisation d’un congrès à Kairouan, le 19 mai, le groupe djihadiste a affirmé être en mesure de rassembler quelque 40 000 personnes.
Lire tout l’article (Le Monde) 
Photo: Magharebia/Flickr

Ansar Al-Charia, le djihadisme au défi de la Tunisie | Hélène Sallon

Engagé dans une épreuve de force avec l’Etat tunisien, le groupe salafiste djihadiste Ansar Al-Charia (“les Partisans de la charia”) est devenu en deux ans un mouvement puissant en Tunisie, bien implanté dans les quartiers populaires. Depuis sa création en avril 2011, il a su rassembler une partie de la mouvance salafiste djihadiste. Le nombre de ses adeptes reste difficile à déterminer. En appelant à l’organisation d’un congrès à Kairouan, le 19 mai, le groupe djihadiste a affirmé être en mesure de rassembler quelque 40 000 personnes.

Lire tout l’article (Le Monde) 

Photo: Magharebia/Flickr

28 Aug
La Tunisie a besoin d’une élite administrative et politique consensuelle | Xinhua
La Tunisie doit impérativement se doter d’une élite administrative et politique consensuelle en laquelle son peuple a confiance, a affirmé à Xinhua l’analyste franco-tunisien opérant pour “Tunisie International Crisis Group”, Michael Béchir Ayari.
Le pays doit mettre en sourdine, pour un temps, les conflits idéologiques parfois stériles qui paralysent les réformes politiques, économiques, sociales et sécuritaires, a-t-il dit, estimant que la Tunisie est dans une certaine mesure le dernier espoir du printemps arabe.
Lire tout l’article (Centre d’Informations Internet de Chine) 
Photo: European Parliament/Flickr

La Tunisie a besoin d’une élite administrative et politique consensuelle | Xinhua

La Tunisie doit impérativement se doter d’une élite administrative et politique consensuelle en laquelle son peuple a confiance, a affirmé à Xinhua l’analyste franco-tunisien opérant pour “Tunisie International Crisis Group”, Michael Béchir Ayari.

Le pays doit mettre en sourdine, pour un temps, les conflits idéologiques parfois stériles qui paralysent les réformes politiques, économiques, sociales et sécuritaires, a-t-il dit, estimant que la Tunisie est dans une certaine mesure le dernier espoir du printemps arabe.

Lire tout l’article (Centre d’Informations Internet de Chine) 

Photo: European Parliament/Flickr

26 Aug
Last Hope | James Traub
Last week Tunisia seemed to be heading for the whirlpool that has sucked Egypt down. The secular opposition had taken to the streets to demand that the Islamist government resign. The National Constituent Assembly, charged with writing a constitution, had been shut down. The state was paralyzed. This week, all the warring parties are talking to each other. The spirit of compromise could evaporate, but my impression, from talking to people on all sides over the last few days, is that Tunisia has a decent chance of avoiding catastrophe. Why is that?
FULL ARTICLE (Foreign Policy)
Photo: Gwenael Piaser/Flickr

Last Hope | James Traub

Last week Tunisia seemed to be heading for the whirlpool that has sucked Egypt down. The secular opposition had taken to the streets to demand that the Islamist government resign. The National Constituent Assembly, charged with writing a constitution, had been shut down. The state was paralyzed. This week, all the warring parties are talking to each other. The spirit of compromise could evaporate, but my impression, from talking to people on all sides over the last few days, is that Tunisia has a decent chance of avoiding catastrophe. Why is that?

FULL ARTICLE (Foreign Policy)

Photo: Gwenael Piaser/Flickr

14 Aug
Tunisia: Avoiding the Egyptian Scenario? | Michaël Béchir Ayari
Tunisia has entered a new phase in its post-revolutionary development, one characterized by acute polarization. For some, ending this polarization and achieving national unity demands that the influence of the country’s largest political party, Ennahdha, on public and semi-public institutions be reduced. A series of events – the murder of the opposition National Constituent Assembly (NCA) member Mohamed Brahmi, the deadly attacks on Mount Chaambi, bombing attempts in Tunis, the exchange of fire against counter-terrorism units during raids on private homes – have pushed the secular opposition in this direction. Tacitly or overtly, the example of Egypt looms large despite the obvious dangers of following such a path.
FULL ARTICLE (Tunisia Live)
Photo: Nasser Nouri/Flickr

Tunisia: Avoiding the Egyptian Scenario? | Michaël Béchir Ayari

Tunisia has entered a new phase in its post-revolutionary development, one characterized by acute polarization. For some, ending this polarization and achieving national unity demands that the influence of the country’s largest political party, Ennahdha, on public and semi-public institutions be reduced. A series of events – the murder of the opposition National Constituent Assembly (NCA) member Mohamed Brahmi, the deadly attacks on Mount Chaambi, bombing attempts in Tunis, the exchange of fire against counter-terrorism units during raids on private homes – have pushed the secular opposition in this direction. Tacitly or overtly, the example of Egypt looms large despite the obvious dangers of following such a path.

FULL ARTICLE (Tunisia Live)

Photo: Nasser Nouri/Flickr

7 Jun

Watch Crisis Group’s North Africa Project Director, William Lawrence, discuss Libya and Tunisia on France 24.