Showing posts tagged as "Tunisia"

Showing posts tagged Tunisia

5 Jun
The Tunisian Exception : Limits and Success of Consensus
Tunis/Brussels  |   5 Jun 2014
In its latest briefing, The Tunisian Exception: Limits and Success of Consensus, the International Crisis Group examines Tunisia’s way out of the political crisis that paralysed it for much of 2013 and outlines measures to preserve a still fragile consensus. In January, after months of heightened tension, political forces agreed on a technocratic caretaker government and a new constitution. But these gains could be squandered unless all parties ensure that any new government – most immediately, that resulting from legislative and presidential elections later this year – operate on the basis of national consensus and cross-partisan support. This is particularly the case as the regional environment, characterised by continuing polarisation and violence in Egypt and Libya, makes Tunisia’s transition all the more difficult.
The briefing’s major findings and recommendations are:
Tunisia escaped last year’s crisis thanks to a variety of factors including strong civil society engagement, international involvement and widespread fear that the country could sink into the extreme polarisation seen in Egypt. But electoral competition and unresolved disagreements, most notably over the neutrality of the civil service, threaten to reignite the crisis.
The current political consensus builds on a power-sharing arrangement between the two largest political parties, the Islamist An-Nahda and its secular opponent Nida Tounes. But the coming elections could produce a majority sufficient for one to exclude the other, possibly tempting the loser to question the elections. All parties should therefore agree in advance on minimum guarantees against a “winner-takes-all” approach and set certain objectives for the next government, notably with regard to economic and security policy.
The electoral commission (ISIE2 – Instance supérieure indépendante pour les élections) has a key role in enhancing the polls’ credibility and raising voter turnout. The caretaker government, with the help of its international partners, should make sure ISIE2 has all the logistical and financial help it needs to organise voter outreach campaigns and elections, and that citizens acknowledge it as neutral.
“A balanced coalition of Islamist and secularist forces is far from certain” says Michaël Ayari, Tunisia Senior Analyst. “All parties should consider unexpected scenarios. They should agree on basic rules of governance, define limitations to the power of the electoral winners and provide assurances for the losers”.
“Tunisia’s major political forces should preserve the spirit of compromise that helped resolve the last crisis”, says Issandr El Amrani, North Africa Project Director. “Such a compromise must go beyond power-sharing deals between the main political camps. All parties must show they are committed to the common good, even in the midst of political competition. 
The full briefing is available in French

The Tunisian Exception : Limits and Success of Consensus

Tunis/Brussels  |   5 Jun 2014

In its latest briefing, The Tunisian Exception: Limits and Success of Consensus, the International Crisis Group examines Tunisia’s way out of the political crisis that paralysed it for much of 2013 and outlines measures to preserve a still fragile consensus. In January, after months of heightened tension, political forces agreed on a technocratic caretaker government and a new constitution. But these gains could be squandered unless all parties ensure that any new government – most immediately, that resulting from legislative and presidential elections later this year – operate on the basis of national consensus and cross-partisan support. This is particularly the case as the regional environment, characterised by continuing polarisation and violence in Egypt and Libya, makes Tunisia’s transition all the more difficult.

The briefing’s major findings and recommendations are:

  • Tunisia escaped last year’s crisis thanks to a variety of factors including strong civil society engagement, international involvement and widespread fear that the country could sink into the extreme polarisation seen in Egypt. But electoral competition and unresolved disagreements, most notably over the neutrality of the civil service, threaten to reignite the crisis.
  • The current political consensus builds on a power-sharing arrangement between the two largest political parties, the Islamist An-Nahda and its secular opponent Nida Tounes. But the coming elections could produce a majority sufficient for one to exclude the other, possibly tempting the loser to question the elections. All parties should therefore agree in advance on minimum guarantees against a “winner-takes-all” approach and set certain objectives for the next government, notably with regard to economic and security policy.
  • The electoral commission (ISIE2 – Instance supérieure indépendante pour les élections) has a key role in enhancing the polls’ credibility and raising voter turnout. The caretaker government, with the help of its international partners, should make sure ISIE2 has all the logistical and financial help it needs to organise voter outreach campaigns and elections, and that citizens acknowledge it as neutral.

“A balanced coalition of Islamist and secularist forces is far from certain” says Michaël Ayari, Tunisia Senior Analyst. “All parties should consider unexpected scenarios. They should agree on basic rules of governance, define limitations to the power of the electoral winners and provide assurances for the losers”.

“Tunisia’s major political forces should preserve the spirit of compromise that helped resolve the last crisis”, says Issandr El Amrani, North Africa Project Director. “Such a compromise must go beyond power-sharing deals between the main political camps. All parties must show they are committed to the common good, even in the midst of political competition. 

The full briefing is available in French

27 May
Tunisia could be the first Arab Spring success. But it’s not there yet | Joanne Leedom-Ackerman
Joanne Leedom-Ackerman visited political, business, and civil society leaders in Tunisia as part of a recent trip with the International Crisis Group, of which she is a board member. This article originally appeared in the Christian Science Monitor.
In Roman times wild animals paced beneath Tunisia’s El Jem colosseum, ready to spring into mortal combat with gladiators – usually slaves fighting for their lives and sometimes freedom – as an audience looked on. Recently I paced the floor of this same amphitheater, trying to imagine its history – and future.
Today, Tunisia is engaged in its own struggle for the life of its new democracy. Though a small country – 64,000 square miles with 11 million people – Tunisia is vital to regional stability. Now this ancient North African country where the Arab Spring began is poised to become the first success in the region – but only if it can shore up a weak economy, curb the dual threats of terrorism and crime, and continue needed government reforms.
Three years after a young street vendor set himself on fire to protest the authorities’ harassment and corruption, three years after the citizens rose up and ejected their longtime autocratic leader, Tunisia has laid the groundwork for its future. In January, the citizenry adopted a new Constitution that was widely debated and passed with the votes of more than 90 percent of the Constituent Assembly. All sectors endorse and are proud of the forward-leaning Constitution, which balances the secular and religious and is looked at as a model for the region.
As a further mark of progress, the Assembly recently passed a law establishing a judicial body to determine the constitutionality of new laws. It will be replaced by a new constitutional court after the next election. This opens the way now for the Assembly to pass a law to set up elections, which are anticipated this year.
Many donors and investors, particularly in the West and in the Gulf, are awaiting these elections before they commit further aid. Citizens are hoping the partisanship that divided the country after the revolution won’t reemerge. As one trade union leader told me, this frustration helped pave the way for the new government: “Technocrats were accepted as an interim government because people were fed up with political parties.”
A Marshall Plan for Tunisia
Still, large challenges lie ahead for Tunisia. The greatest is the economy, which remains state-controlled and relies on large subsidies it can’t afford. Some say the country is on the brink of bankruptcy. Interim Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa visited the United States and the Gulf in April looking for financial assistance, including loan guarantees. 
Mr. Jomaa has agreed with institutions such as the International Monetary Fund that the subsidy programs must be cut back or ended, but there are political and societal costs when prices on energy and food suddenly rise and government employment decreases. Unemployment is already more than 15 percent and as much as 40 percent among youth. In a show of good faith, President Moncef Marzouki recently announced he is taking a two-thirds pay cut.
But Tunisia’s future will not be assured without international support. As Mustapha Ben Jaafar, president of the Constituent Assembly, said to me and a small gathering of international observers: “We need a Marshall Plan for Tunisia and the Maghreb.”
The threat of terrorism
Another threat to Tunisia’s progress is terrorism, along with weapons flows and black market smuggling across the borders of neighboring Algeria and Libya.
“Gangsters control weapons and drug traffic,” Sihem Bensedrine, a prominent journalist and human rights activist, told me. She explained the context that gives rise to violence and illicit activity. “We don’t want to give religious cover to jihadists who are really criminals. The violence is created by poverty. There is a generation of young people marginalized. The state doesn’t have money. The money is in the gray economy, which some say is 60 percent of the economy.”
In order to curb the threat of violent extremism and its links to crime, Tunisia must continue to address the poverty and disillusionment that fuel it. Economic reforms and foreign aid to support economic growth are thus doubly important to Tunisia’s future.
Out with the old
Tunisia must also dismantle and reform the structures of the old dictatorship, including the police and the Ministry of the Interior. Close observers say that the success of the country’s democratic transition depends on the government’s ability to decentralize as well.
The concentration of government at the national level has bred corruption. As Ms. Bensedrine put it: “As long as [the] administration is centralized, it gets many privileges.” Decentralization (establishing more empowered regional governments) has been enshrined in the new Constitution to allow a more equitable distribution of revenue and governance.
“The country has long been divided by its coastal wealth and poorer interior,” former Prime Minister Hamadi Jebali explained to me and our small group of international visitors. Some legislators are thus looking to redraw regions so each includes both coastal and interior areas.
Reasons to hope
In spite of the challenges it faces, Tunisia has many advantages that set it up well for progress. For one, it has an educated population (both women and men) and has a 90 percent literacy rate. Women also hold key positions in the public and private workforce.
In addition, Tunisia’s proximity to Europe (geographically, culturally, and historically) facilitates exports and manufacturing. Tunisia also offers a historical bridge between Islam and secularism, one that has played a key role in its democratic transition – and will help it maintain international support going forward.
As I stood in Tunisia’s famous amphitheater (the setting for the movie “Gladiator”), two things were clear to me: The beasts of poverty, terrorism, and criminality wait just beneath the surface to destroy Tunisia’s democratic dream. But Tunisia is also poised to show that more-benevolent and more-moderate forces, including the citizens’ own determination to have democracy, can prevail. 
We – the international community – are the spectators in this great match. But we cannot just sit in the audience and watch. For the sake of Tunisia – and the region – the world must engage and support Tunisia’s economic and political progress. As one local governor told me, “We are determined to succeed with a democratic state. We will not go back!”
ORIGINAL ARTICLE (Christian Science Monitor)
Photo:  Wassim Ben Rhouma/flickr

Tunisia could be the first Arab Spring success. But it’s not there yet | Joanne Leedom-Ackerman

Joanne Leedom-Ackerman visited political, business, and civil society leaders in Tunisia as part of a recent trip with the International Crisis Group, of which she is a board member. This article originally appeared in the Christian Science Monitor.

In Roman times wild animals paced beneath Tunisia’s El Jem colosseum, ready to spring into mortal combat with gladiators – usually slaves fighting for their lives and sometimes freedom – as an audience looked on. Recently I paced the floor of this same amphitheater, trying to imagine its history – and future.

Today, Tunisia is engaged in its own struggle for the life of its new democracy. Though a small country – 64,000 square miles with 11 million people – Tunisia is vital to regional stability. Now this ancient North African country where the Arab Spring began is poised to become the first success in the region – but only if it can shore up a weak economy, curb the dual threats of terrorism and crime, and continue needed government reforms.

Three years after a young street vendor set himself on fire to protest the authorities’ harassment and corruption, three years after the citizens rose up and ejected their longtime autocratic leader, Tunisia has laid the groundwork for its future. In January, the citizenry adopted a new Constitution that was widely debated and passed with the votes of more than 90 percent of the Constituent Assembly. All sectors endorse and are proud of the forward-leaning Constitution, which balances the secular and religious and is looked at as a model for the region.

As a further mark of progress, the Assembly recently passed a law establishing a judicial body to determine the constitutionality of new laws. It will be replaced by a new constitutional court after the next election. This opens the way now for the Assembly to pass a law to set up elections, which are anticipated this year.

Many donors and investors, particularly in the West and in the Gulf, are awaiting these elections before they commit further aid. Citizens are hoping the partisanship that divided the country after the revolution won’t reemerge. As one trade union leader told me, this frustration helped pave the way for the new government: “Technocrats were accepted as an interim government because people were fed up with political parties.”

A Marshall Plan for Tunisia

Still, large challenges lie ahead for Tunisia. The greatest is the economy, which remains state-controlled and relies on large subsidies it can’t afford. Some say the country is on the brink of bankruptcy. Interim Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa visited the United States and the Gulf in April looking for financial assistance, including loan guarantees. 

Mr. Jomaa has agreed with institutions such as the International Monetary Fund that the subsidy programs must be cut back or ended, but there are political and societal costs when prices on energy and food suddenly rise and government employment decreases. Unemployment is already more than 15 percent and as much as 40 percent among youth. In a show of good faith, President Moncef Marzouki recently announced he is taking a two-thirds pay cut.

But Tunisia’s future will not be assured without international support. As Mustapha Ben Jaafar, president of the Constituent Assembly, said to me and a small gathering of international observers: “We need a Marshall Plan for Tunisia and the Maghreb.”

The threat of terrorism

Another threat to Tunisia’s progress is terrorism, along with weapons flows and black market smuggling across the borders of neighboring Algeria and Libya.

“Gangsters control weapons and drug traffic,” Sihem Bensedrine, a prominent journalist and human rights activist, told me. She explained the context that gives rise to violence and illicit activity. “We don’t want to give religious cover to jihadists who are really criminals. The violence is created by poverty. There is a generation of young people marginalized. The state doesn’t have money. The money is in the gray economy, which some say is 60 percent of the economy.”

In order to curb the threat of violent extremism and its links to crime, Tunisia must continue to address the poverty and disillusionment that fuel it. Economic reforms and foreign aid to support economic growth are thus doubly important to Tunisia’s future.

Out with the old

Tunisia must also dismantle and reform the structures of the old dictatorship, including the police and the Ministry of the Interior. Close observers say that the success of the country’s democratic transition depends on the government’s ability to decentralize as well.

The concentration of government at the national level has bred corruption. As Ms. Bensedrine put it: “As long as [the] administration is centralized, it gets many privileges.” Decentralization (establishing more empowered regional governments) has been enshrined in the new Constitution to allow a more equitable distribution of revenue and governance.

“The country has long been divided by its coastal wealth and poorer interior,” former Prime Minister Hamadi Jebali explained to me and our small group of international visitors. Some legislators are thus looking to redraw regions so each includes both coastal and interior areas.

Reasons to hope

In spite of the challenges it faces, Tunisia has many advantages that set it up well for progress. For one, it has an educated population (both women and men) and has a 90 percent literacy rate. Women also hold key positions in the public and private workforce.

In addition, Tunisia’s proximity to Europe (geographically, culturally, and historically) facilitates exports and manufacturing. Tunisia also offers a historical bridge between Islam and secularism, one that has played a key role in its democratic transition – and will help it maintain international support going forward.

As I stood in Tunisia’s famous amphitheater (the setting for the movie “Gladiator”), two things were clear to me: The beasts of poverty, terrorism, and criminality wait just beneath the surface to destroy Tunisia’s democratic dream. But Tunisia is also poised to show that more-benevolent and more-moderate forces, including the citizens’ own determination to have democracy, can prevail. 

We – the international community – are the spectators in this great match. But we cannot just sit in the audience and watch. For the sake of Tunisia – and the region – the world must engage and support Tunisia’s economic and political progress. As one local governor told me, “We are determined to succeed with a democratic state. We will not go back!”

ORIGINAL ARTICLE (Christian Science Monitor)

Photo:  Wassim Ben Rhouma/flickr

26 Mar
'Contagion of polarisation' dominates post-Arab Spring scene | Nadeen Shaker
Pundits studying the Middle East often cite Islamism as the most scathing malaise currently afflicting the region. To Issandr El-Amrani, owner of The Arabist blog and project director of International Crisis Group’s North African Project, however, differences between ruling groups, aside from their ideological beliefs, drive polarisation in post-revolutionary Arab countries.
In a lecture at the American University in Cairo on Wednesday, entitled “Egypt, Libya, Tunisia: From the Contagion of Revolution to the Contagion of Polarisation,” El-Amrani developed the metaphor of “contagion” — adapting the domino effect scenario, in which Arab uprisings contagiously spread — to one where “polarisation”, not revolution, was the final outcome.
FULL ARTICLE (Ahram Online)
Photo: Jonathan Rashad/Wikimedia Commons

'Contagion of polarisation' dominates post-Arab Spring scene | Nadeen Shaker

Pundits studying the Middle East often cite Islamism as the most scathing malaise currently afflicting the region. To Issandr El-Amrani, owner of The Arabist blog and project director of International Crisis Group’s North African Project, however, differences between ruling groups, aside from their ideological beliefs, drive polarisation in post-revolutionary Arab countries.

In a lecture at the American University in Cairo on Wednesday, entitled “Egypt, Libya, Tunisia: From the Contagion of Revolution to the Contagion of Polarisation,” El-Amrani developed the metaphor of “contagion” — adapting the domino effect scenario, in which Arab uprisings contagiously spread — to one where “polarisation”, not revolution, was the final outcome.

FULL ARTICLE (Ahram Online)

Photo: Jonathan Rashad/Wikimedia Commons

3 Feb
Catch up on the world’s conflicts in this month’s CrisisWatch map.

Catch up on the world’s conflicts in this month’s CrisisWatch map.

29 Nov
Tunisia’s Borders: Jihadism and Contraband
Tunis/Brussels  |   28 Nov 2013
Unless the permeability of the country’s borders is addressed, cross-border trafficking will increase jihadis’ disruptive potential and intensify the corruption of border authorities.
In its latest report, Tunisia’s Borders: Jihadism and Contraband, the International Crisis Group examines the widening gap between a Tunisia of the borders – porous, rebellious, a focal point of jihad and contraband – and a Tunisia of the capital and coast that is concerned with the vulnerability of a hinterland it fears more than it understands. Beyond engaging in necessary efforts to resolve the immediate political crisis, actors from across the national spectrum should implement security and socio-economic measures to reduce the permeability of the country’s borders.
The report’s major findings and recommendations are:
The aftermath of the Tunisian uprising and of the Libyan war has provoked a reorganisation of contraband cartels, thereby weakening state control and paving the way for far more dangerous types of trafficking.
Hard drugs as well as (for now) relatively small quantities of firearms and explosives regularly enter the country from Libya. Likewise, the northern half of the Tunisian-Algerian border is becoming an area of growing traffic of cannabis and small arms.
Criminality and radical Islamism gradually are intermingling in the suburbs of major cities and in poor peripheral villages. Over time, the emergence of a so-called islamo-gangsterism could contribute to the rise of groups blending jihadism and organised crime within contraband networks operating at the borders.
Addressing border problems clearly requires beefing up security measures but these will not suffice on their own. There also is a need for dialogue with the local populations so as to improve relations between the central authorities and residents of border areas and reinforce the intelligence capacities.
“Even with the most technically sophisticated border control mechanisms, residents of border areas will remain capable of enabling or preventing the transfer of goods and people”, Michaël Béchir Ayari, Tunisia Senior Analyst. “The more they feel economically and socially frustrated, the less they will be inclined to protect the country’s territorial integrity”.
“In the long term, only consensus among political forces on the country’s future can enable a truly effective approach to the border question”, says Issandr El Amrani, North Africa Project Director. “In the meantime, Tunisian actors need to work together to reinforce border controls and improve relations between the centre and residents of border areas while Maghreb states should improve their cooperation”.
crisisgroup.org

Tunisia’s Borders: Jihadism and Contraband

Tunis/Brussels  |   28 Nov 2013

Unless the permeability of the country’s borders is addressed, cross-border trafficking will increase jihadis’ disruptive potential and intensify the corruption of border authorities.

In its latest report, Tunisia’s Borders: Jihadism and Contraband, the International Crisis Group examines the widening gap between a Tunisia of the borders – porous, rebellious, a focal point of jihad and contraband – and a Tunisia of the capital and coast that is concerned with the vulnerability of a hinterland it fears more than it understands. Beyond engaging in necessary efforts to resolve the immediate political crisis, actors from across the national spectrum should implement security and socio-economic measures to reduce the permeability of the country’s borders.

The report’s major findings and recommendations are:

The aftermath of the Tunisian uprising and of the Libyan war has provoked a reorganisation of contraband cartels, thereby weakening state control and paving the way for far more dangerous types of trafficking.

Hard drugs as well as (for now) relatively small quantities of firearms and explosives regularly enter the country from Libya. Likewise, the northern half of the Tunisian-Algerian border is becoming an area of growing traffic of cannabis and small arms.

Criminality and radical Islamism gradually are intermingling in the suburbs of major cities and in poor peripheral villages. Over time, the emergence of a so-called islamo-gangsterism could contribute to the rise of groups blending jihadism and organised crime within contraband networks operating at the borders.

Addressing border problems clearly requires beefing up security measures but these will not suffice on their own. There also is a need for dialogue with the local populations so as to improve relations between the central authorities and residents of border areas and reinforce the intelligence capacities.

“Even with the most technically sophisticated border control mechanisms, residents of border areas will remain capable of enabling or preventing the transfer of goods and people”, Michaël Béchir Ayari, Tunisia Senior Analyst. “The more they feel economically and socially frustrated, the less they will be inclined to protect the country’s territorial integrity”.

“In the long term, only consensus among political forces on the country’s future can enable a truly effective approach to the border question”, says Issandr El Amrani, North Africa Project Director. “In the meantime, Tunisian actors need to work together to reinforce border controls and improve relations between the centre and residents of border areas while Maghreb states should improve their cooperation”.

crisisgroup.org

13 Nov
Tunisie: “Les ingrédients d’une reprise en main autoritaire sont là” | Catherine Gouëset
La Tunisie s’enfonce dans la crise après l’échec des pourparlers entre islamistes au pouvoir et opposants pour désigner un nouveau Premier ministre, tandis que la violence djihadiste menace. Eléments d’analyse avec Michaël Béchir Ayari, analyste à l’International Crisis Group. 
Le blocage politique et la dégradation de la situation sécuritaires sont-ils liées en Tunisie?
Depuis deux ans, chaque crise sécuritaire se transforme en crise politique. Qu’il s’agisse de l’attaque contre l’ambassade des Etats-Unis en septembre 2012, des assassinats des opposants Chokri Belaïd en février et Mohamed Brahmi en juillet 2013 ou encore de diverses attaques djihadistes dont celles du mont Chaambi. La polarisation du pays s’accroît chaque jour un peu plus. Les sécularistes accusent Ennahda de faiblesse voire de complicité avec les salafistes, tandis que les partisans du principal parti au pouvoir accusent leurs adversaires de complot pour restaurer l’ancien régime. Le climat de tension alimenté par les radicaux des deux bords empêche la recherche d’une réponse globale à la question sécuritaire. Il est indispensable que cette problématique soit dépolitisée, qu’elle fasse l’objet d’une démarche consensuelle.
Lire tout l’interview (L’Express) 
Photo: Nasser Nouri/Flickr

Tunisie: “Les ingrédients d’une reprise en main autoritaire sont là” | Catherine Gouëset

La Tunisie s’enfonce dans la crise après l’échec des pourparlers entre islamistes au pouvoir et opposants pour désigner un nouveau Premier ministre, tandis que la violence djihadiste menace. Eléments d’analyse avec Michaël Béchir Ayari, analyste à l’International Crisis Group. 

Le blocage politique et la dégradation de la situation sécuritaires sont-ils liées en Tunisie?

Depuis deux ans, chaque crise sécuritaire se transforme en crise politique. Qu’il s’agisse de l’attaque contre l’ambassade des Etats-Unis en septembre 2012, des assassinats des opposants Chokri Belaïd en février et Mohamed Brahmi en juillet 2013 ou encore de diverses attaques djihadistes dont celles du mont Chaambi. La polarisation du pays s’accroît chaque jour un peu plus. Les sécularistes accusent Ennahda de faiblesse voire de complicité avec les salafistes, tandis que les partisans du principal parti au pouvoir accusent leurs adversaires de complot pour restaurer l’ancien régime. Le climat de tension alimenté par les radicaux des deux bords empêche la recherche d’une réponse globale à la question sécuritaire. Il est indispensable que cette problématique soit dépolitisée, qu’elle fasse l’objet d’une démarche consensuelle.

Lire tout l’interview (L’Express) 

Photo: Nasser Nouri/Flickr

12 Sep
Tunisians united in patriotism, divided over the country’s future | Eileen Byrne
It is a good time to be a seller of flags in the Tunisian capital. The national flag is not just waved by protesters in a sea of bright red at opposition and pro-government rallies. It is worn as a face veil by some women protesters, or as a bandanna tied around the head of small children carried proudly on their fathers’ shoulders, in an early lesson in citizenship.
FULL ARTICLE (The National) 
Photo: Magharebia/Flickr

Tunisians united in patriotism, divided over the country’s future | Eileen Byrne

It is a good time to be a seller of flags in the Tunisian capital. The national flag is not just waved by protesters in a sea of bright red at opposition and pro-government rallies. It is worn as a face veil by some women protesters, or as a bandanna tied around the head of small children carried proudly on their fathers’ shoulders, in an early lesson in citizenship.

FULL ARTICLE (The National) 

Photo: Magharebia/Flickr

3 Sep
Ansar Al-Charia, le djihadisme au défi de la Tunisie | Hélène Sallon
Engagé dans une épreuve de force avec l’Etat tunisien, le groupe salafiste djihadiste Ansar Al-Charia (“les Partisans de la charia”) est devenu en deux ans un mouvement puissant en Tunisie, bien implanté dans les quartiers populaires. Depuis sa création en avril 2011, il a su rassembler une partie de la mouvance salafiste djihadiste. Le nombre de ses adeptes reste difficile à déterminer. En appelant à l’organisation d’un congrès à Kairouan, le 19 mai, le groupe djihadiste a affirmé être en mesure de rassembler quelque 40 000 personnes.
Lire tout l’article (Le Monde) 
Photo: Magharebia/Flickr

Ansar Al-Charia, le djihadisme au défi de la Tunisie | Hélène Sallon

Engagé dans une épreuve de force avec l’Etat tunisien, le groupe salafiste djihadiste Ansar Al-Charia (“les Partisans de la charia”) est devenu en deux ans un mouvement puissant en Tunisie, bien implanté dans les quartiers populaires. Depuis sa création en avril 2011, il a su rassembler une partie de la mouvance salafiste djihadiste. Le nombre de ses adeptes reste difficile à déterminer. En appelant à l’organisation d’un congrès à Kairouan, le 19 mai, le groupe djihadiste a affirmé être en mesure de rassembler quelque 40 000 personnes.

Lire tout l’article (Le Monde) 

Photo: Magharebia/Flickr

28 Aug
La Tunisie a besoin d’une élite administrative et politique consensuelle | Xinhua
La Tunisie doit impérativement se doter d’une élite administrative et politique consensuelle en laquelle son peuple a confiance, a affirmé à Xinhua l’analyste franco-tunisien opérant pour “Tunisie International Crisis Group”, Michael Béchir Ayari.
Le pays doit mettre en sourdine, pour un temps, les conflits idéologiques parfois stériles qui paralysent les réformes politiques, économiques, sociales et sécuritaires, a-t-il dit, estimant que la Tunisie est dans une certaine mesure le dernier espoir du printemps arabe.
Lire tout l’article (Centre d’Informations Internet de Chine) 
Photo: European Parliament/Flickr

La Tunisie a besoin d’une élite administrative et politique consensuelle | Xinhua

La Tunisie doit impérativement se doter d’une élite administrative et politique consensuelle en laquelle son peuple a confiance, a affirmé à Xinhua l’analyste franco-tunisien opérant pour “Tunisie International Crisis Group”, Michael Béchir Ayari.

Le pays doit mettre en sourdine, pour un temps, les conflits idéologiques parfois stériles qui paralysent les réformes politiques, économiques, sociales et sécuritaires, a-t-il dit, estimant que la Tunisie est dans une certaine mesure le dernier espoir du printemps arabe.

Lire tout l’article (Centre d’Informations Internet de Chine) 

Photo: European Parliament/Flickr

26 Aug
Last Hope | James Traub
Last week Tunisia seemed to be heading for the whirlpool that has sucked Egypt down. The secular opposition had taken to the streets to demand that the Islamist government resign. The National Constituent Assembly, charged with writing a constitution, had been shut down. The state was paralyzed. This week, all the warring parties are talking to each other. The spirit of compromise could evaporate, but my impression, from talking to people on all sides over the last few days, is that Tunisia has a decent chance of avoiding catastrophe. Why is that?
FULL ARTICLE (Foreign Policy)
Photo: Gwenael Piaser/Flickr

Last Hope | James Traub

Last week Tunisia seemed to be heading for the whirlpool that has sucked Egypt down. The secular opposition had taken to the streets to demand that the Islamist government resign. The National Constituent Assembly, charged with writing a constitution, had been shut down. The state was paralyzed. This week, all the warring parties are talking to each other. The spirit of compromise could evaporate, but my impression, from talking to people on all sides over the last few days, is that Tunisia has a decent chance of avoiding catastrophe. Why is that?

FULL ARTICLE (Foreign Policy)

Photo: Gwenael Piaser/Flickr